Future Analysis of Nation State

Future Analysis of The Nation-State System Introduction: It is common to hear of the threats to the nation-state system in the contemporary world. Such threats seem to originate from many different quarters, at different level of the global system. This impending sense that the nation-state is somehow in â€Å"crisis† led to analyze the question of â€Å"the contemporary crisis of the nation-state? † But before we go into the analysis, it is important to look into the ideas that would help to understand the case, under discussion, in a better way.To begin with, let’s see the definition of nation, state and the nation-state system, according to the context under discussion. Nation According to the Oxford English dictionary, the word nation literally means, community of people having mainly common descent, history, language, etc or forming sovereign state or inhabiting territory. From the above definition, there are two kinds of nations, the ethnic nation (communit y with common descent) and demotic nation (community with common territorial boundaries). E. K.Francis draws a distinction between ‘ethnic’ nations that are based on belief in common descent and a sense of solidarity and common identity, and ‘demotic’ nations that are based on shared administrative and military institutions, common territorial boundaries for protection and the mobility of goods and people. This is similar to the distinction often made between ‘cultural nations’, based on criteria such as language, customs, religion and the ‘political nations’, that are more contractual and derive from shared institutions, shared citizenship and a sense of shared history.State According to Oxford English dictionary, state literally means, political community under one government. This means a community which is coherent with the government of the state obeys the government with its own will, making government responsible for it. It is the political organization of the people under one government. Nation-State System The nation-state system is traditionally, an amalgamation of ‘nation’ (one people) with ‘state’ (one government). If one were to imagine an abstract image of the globe one would see gridlines.These lines mark off different nation-states. Each one is separate from the others and sovereign inside its defined and unmoving borders. These nation-states interact with each other, be it through war or trade in a relationship that is theoretically simple. Each nation-state is ‘equal’ in terms of having sovereignty (self-determination) and the sole right to use legitimate force inside its own borders. This modern nation-state system came into existence with the treaty of Westphalia, 1648.In international system, ‘low’ politics of trade and business and temporary agreement of MNCs, IGO and INGOs are less important than that of ‘high’ politics th e nation-state, with its role of protecting its sovereignty from the attack and of maintaining stability inside its borders. Today, there are more than 200 nation-states in the world. Nation-State as a Historical-Political Form The ideal articulation of ‘nation’ as a form of cultural community and the‘State’ as a territorial, political unit is now widely accepted and often taken as unproblematic.Yet scholars of nationalism point out that that was not alwaysthe case. That every nation deserves its autonomy and identity through its ownsovereign state (even though many may not demand it) is an ideal that manytrace to the French Revolution. As Cobban points out, whereas before the FrenchRevolution there had been no necessary connection between the state as a political unit and the nation as a cultural one, it became possible and desirablesince then to think of a combination of these two in a single conception of the nation-state.That this still remains an †˜ideal’ and one vastly unrealized, as inthe existence of several â€Å"multi-national’’ states, is also largely recognized, although much of international relations theory fails to follow through on the implications of that ‘reality’. Concept of Sovereignty The meaning and concept of sovereignty has assumed many different shapes. Moreover, it has frequently changed its content,its laws and even its functions during the modern period. Hugo Grotius, in his famous work De Jure Belli ac Pacis: Sovereignty is ‘that power whose acts †¦ may not be void by the acts of other human will. Other political theorists have, in general, given similar definitions. Oppenheim: ‘Sovereignty is supreme authority, an authority which is independent of any other earthly authority. ’ Willoughby:‘Sovereignty is the supreme will of the state. ’ Various writers on political theory have insisted that every legally recognized state by defin ition is sovereign. It is simply a reminder that just as every state is legally equal to any other, so it is legally sovereign. But if we see the contemporary interaction of states with reference to above definition, we would definitely conclude that the concept of sovereignty has again changed.The concept of absolute sovereignty has become obsolete and has been replaced by the concept of relative sovereignty/authority and interdependence. Just as in real world, some states are bigger in size, power and influence than others just like that sovereignty of the states has become relative. It must be recognized that there are now degrees of sovereignty and self-determination. Only sovereignty left with states is legal sovereignty. Except it every other aspect of the state is relative or dependent on intrastate and interstate factors. Concept of NationalismNationalism is the patriotic feeling for one’s nation or country. Professor Louis L. Snyder defines nationalism as ‘a pr oduct of political, economic, social and intellectual factors at a certain stage in history, is a condition of mind, feeling or sentiment of a group of people living in a well-define geographical area, speaking a common language, possessing a literature in which the aspirations of the nation have been expressed, attached to common traditions and common customs, venerating its own heroes, and in some cases having a common religion. Some point out that the political nations are based more on ‘civic’ nationalism, as opposed to the ‘ethnic’ nationalism characteristic of the cultural nations. These observations are based on two popular theories of nationalism. Primordialists’ approach the extent to which culture exists as a given resource for the constitution of nationsand instrumentalist’ approach, the extent to which culture has to be invented by nationalist elites.The primordialist approach, evident in the early work of Geertz, Shils and in the socio-biological theory of Van den Berghe, argues that ethnic and cultural attachments are pre-givens, or at least assumed givens, and appear ‘natural’ to members of a group. As against this, the instrumentalist approach, evidenced to varying degrees in the works of Brass, Hobsbawm and Nairn, argues that ethnic attachments are often invented and manipulated by elites to construct the nation as a privileged source of a group’s loyalty.I’m of the view that all national identities are constructed as dictated by the instrumentalist theory. In other words, there are no ‘natural’ nationalities. There is no a priori manner in which peoples can be made into nations. It is the work ofnationalism to construct or produce a ‘nation’. In the words of BenedictAnderson, the nation has to be ‘imagined’. Nations are imagined ‘because themembers of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow members,meet them, o r even hear of them, yet in the minds of each livesthe image of their communion. It is through nationalist ideology that thiscommunion is constructed. Anderson traces the development of nationalism to the development of print-capitalism, which helped to produce and disseminatea common culture to ground the national imagination. 18 Regardless of what basisis used to ground this communion, nations are ultimately based on what EtienneBalibar has called `’fictive ethnicities’. It is the work of nationalist ideology to ‘ethnicize’’ a community.It is through the representational labor of nationalist ideology that a community is constructed as if it formed a natural communionwith its unique and singular origin and destiny. ‘Nation building’ hasalways been a project of the state as well and the widespread existence of globalnorms on sovereignty and self-determination (and the continuing appeal of theideal of the ‘nation-state’) now ensure that existing states themselves have toengage to some extent in attempts at nation building. In other words, it is notsimply that nations often seek and demand states, but states need nations as well.These efforts of nation building are more evident and stark at times of crisis such as war,but in reality are always in existence in more subtle ways through various statepolicies and programs, as well as through the ideological state apparatusesin civil society. In that sense state building and nation building have become simultaneousand symbiotic processes. Yet for analytical purposes it is perhaps better not toconfuse these two processes because, even if the ends they seek are somewhatsimilar or complementary, the processes remain somewhat different.State buildingoccurs through the penetration and integration of the territorial economy,polity and society and speaks to questions of political authority and effectivegovernance. Nation building is the construction of a cohesive c ultural communitythat can demand citizen loyalty and commitment. As it is shownin the nextsection, the fragmentation of nation-states refers tonation building, and inparticular to the inability of the state to build cohesive nations, while those that point to the effects of globalization on weakening the nation-state often (but notexclusively) refer to problems with state building.Challenges to The Nation-State Forces of Fragmentation The authority of the nation-state depends to a large extent on its consistency,unity and stability in the eyes of its public or, in other words, of the ability ofthe state to project a united nation. The imagined nations, as Anderson pointsout, present themselves as ‘communities’,‘because regardless of the actualinequality and exploitation that may prevail in each, the nation is alwaysconceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship’’.Part of the project of the state is to seekconsent from its citizens as to the depth and eq uality of that comradeship. Yetthe national space has many differences and conflicts – among ethnicities, races, religious groups, classes, genders, etc. Each of those differences threatens the coherence and unity of the national fabric. Most of the literature on fragmentation focuses on ethnic (and religious) conflicts within existing states. Nationbuilding requires that such ethnic and religious conflicts are effectively controlledby the state.Even though ‘assimilation’ has been an acknowledged goal of many states historically, Talal Asad has pointed out that hegemonic power worksnot so much through suppressing differences by homogenization, as throughdifferentiating and marginalizing. The ‘nation’ in projects of the state does notrepresent a singular cultural space so much as a hierarchy of cultural spaces. What RudolfoStavenhagen calls an ‘ethnocratic state’- a nation-state controlledessentially by a majority or dominant ethnie, able to exercise cultural hegemonyover the rest of the ation – is the rule rather than the exception in the modernsystem of nation-states. The success of nation-building depends on the extentto which the state is able to secure a broad measure of ‘consent’ on thishierarchy. The national project requires the construction of what Asad calls a‘cultural core’ that becomes the ‘essence’ of ‘the nation’. At the most basiclevel, fragmentation occurs when the state is no longer (if ever) able to effectivelysecure consent on this cultural core.States have a variety of available means to meet the demands of ethnic and religious groups within their borders. To the extent that assimilation is no longerconsidered possible or effective, or even desirable, states can and do makeattempts to accommodate such demands through various political and institutionalmechanisms. Regardless of how determined and well organized thosedemands are, which migh t make a polity quite unstable in certain situations,fragmentation refers more specifically to situations where such demands arelinked with claims to territory.Or using Oomen’s definition, it is when an ethnic group establishes a moral claim to territory within a state thatone can speak of sub nationalisms, or what are sometimes called ethno nationalisms. Many states that are classified as nation-states within international relationshave always been such multi-national states – like in India where different ethnicand linguistic groups are regionally organized on the basis of claims to territory,or as in the case of the Scots and Welsh within Britain. Such moral claims toterritory might not necessarily generate separatist movements.But it is the existence of such sub nationalisms thatcreates the possibility of the fragmentation of the nation-state. Ultimately, thiscan be a crisis of the nation-state because such nationalisms threaten to fragmentone of the central bases of state sovereignty -the territorial integrity of the existingnation-state. Or maybe the civic (more than the cultural) nationalism of manymodern states makes the nation-state (unlike ethnicity or religion), simply toolarge, amorphous and psychically distant to be the object of intimate affection.The point here is that fragmentation occurs and is occurring rapidly in theworld, as evidenced in Bosnia, Rwanda, Spain, Ethiopia, Sri Lanka, Canada, toname a very few geographically diverse examples. Fragmentation occurs whenthere is a disarticulation between the state as a spatial unit (with fixed territory)with the spatial claims of the nation(s) in whose name(s) it speaks. The ultimate concern with fragmentation, as I mentioned above, is that itthreatens the territorial integrity of existing nation-states.But as IstvanHont points out, even though there might be legitimate grounds for concern over theterritorial integrity of contemporary states devolving into smaller territorialunits, t his should be seen as a ‘triumph’ rather than a ‘crisis’of the nation-state. Fragmentation is a threat to the existence of particular states, rather thanthe system of nation-states. It represents the failure of particular states to holdon to the ‘spatiality’ (both geopolitically and culturally) of their claims toauthority.But in more general terms, fragmentation represents the success ofthe ideal of the nation-state – that every nation deserves its own state. This seemsmore obvious in the case of the end of empire and its dissolution into independentpolities each claiming the title of nation-state, first in the post-World War II eraof decolonization, and more recently in the break-up of the Soviet Union andthe Eastern bloc countries. Forces of Globalization The effects of globalization on the nation-state are a bit more complex.Forces outside the nation-state can hold back, enable and influence the nation-state in a variety of ways. For the purposes of this discussion, I classify theseforces into two groups – forces of economic globalization and forces of culturalglobalization, although the two are quite closely related in many ways. Economic Globalization The development of thefield of international political economy (IPE) has pointedout thatexclusive focus on the nation-state as a unit of analysis can be inadequate inunderstanding the dimensions of economic activity in the modern world.Some approaches within IPE, such as Interdependence, Regime and HegemonicStability Theories continue to be state-centric. But that is not the case with anumber of other approaches. Marxist approaches in particular have been dividedover the question of the role of the state. This division has been over thequestion of the extent to which the supranational character of the capitalistmode of production restricts all modern state structures versus the extent to which the state plays a direct role in promoting the internationaliza tion ofcapital.Exemplifying the former perspective, Wallerstein’s World Systems Theory was based on the ontological dominance of the world capitalist system,based on a single division of labor between the core, peripheral and semi peripheralregions of the world. Even though Wallerstein recognized the significance of nation-states in the modern world, in his analysis the essentials ofmarket exchange at the international level reduced state autonomy so much sothat nation-states were but super structuralattachments helping in the reproductionof the modern global capitalist system.But other scholars who have lookedat the internationalization of capital have stressed how the state continues toplay a role in the reproduction of capitalism. Robin Murray has pointed out thatas capital extends beyond its national borders, the historical link that bound itto its particular domestic state no longer necessarily holds. But the domestic stateis not territorially limited in its activities, and it might well ‘follow’ its capital and perform the critical ‘economic roles’ that it has always played in thereproduction of capitalism.The gradual shift from multinational corporations towards more transnational corporations or from the internationalization of economic activity (aseconomic activity spreads across state borders) towards the globalization ofeconomic activity (which involves a more purposefulcombination of economicactivity spread globally) also limits state capacity to control and influencedomestic national economies and thus weakens state authority over its nationalspace.This is what Mittelman has called ‘the spatial reorganization of production, the interpenetration of industries across borders [and] the spread of financial markets’. The spatial reorganization of production has been accompanied by changes in the international division of labor, which has includedamong other changes the feminization of certain kinds of labor . The globalization of international finance has led to the enormous ‘flow of capital andcurrencies with increasing rapidity, huge rowth of global currency speculation,offshoots trading and currency instability, and has increasingly reduced the ability of the state to control monetary and fiscal policy. In general, it hasbeen argued that in the face of economic globalization, state autonomy isconsiderably reduced, as the state becomes simply a facilitator of globalization. In particular, it is the weakening of the welfare state occurring in the wake of the globalization of economic liberalization that is seen to limit state competenceand authority all over the world.If the origins of the state had been in theprovision of security, the growth of the ‘welfare state’ in post-World War IIindustrial societies has now been well known. But the decreasing appealof Keynesian macroeconomic management in post-industrial societies (and theshift to supply-side economics) and t he accompanied reduction in public provision of social services threatens the legitimacy of the state as it increasingly fundsitself with little control over the economy (as jobs, investment migrate) andunable to meet the expectations of the people for securing their prosperity.Inpost-colonial societies, the disintegration of the ‘developmentalist state’ with the increasing adoption of IMF- and World Bank-sponsored market liberalization,is also a potential threat to state legitimacy as the state is unable to deliver onpromises of basic needs provisions, as the vehicle for social justice and equalityand as the symbol of national resistance to external pressures.In many ways, this sense of the declining ‘political effectiveness’ of the contemporary state is not entirely baseless. Even if the state cannot, and perhaps nevercould, totally or effectively control economic activity within its borders, itsability to regulate such activity to an extent and its willi ngness to undertakeredistributive measures that raged some of the more socially evileffects of the market brought it a certain amount of legitimacy and approvalfrom large sections of the population.This expression of the nation-state, not simply as a provider of order and security, but as a provider of social (andeconomic) needs (as in education, health care, nutrition, housing as well as inensuring a certain level of employment, minimum wages, price stability, etc. )has been an important and significant development of the second half of the20th century. Even if there is increasing consensus in policy-making circlesaround the world of the efficiency of market forces and the need for marketliberalization and cut-backs in state activity in the economic kingdom, the expectationsof the population from the state tend to be more complex.Even wheremany sections of the population might be dissatisfied with the functioning ofexisting states, the initial impact of market reforms on large sect ions of thepopulation can be quite adverse and severe. This is evidenced, for instance, inthe cut-back of social welfare programs in advanced industrial societies on minority groups and women, as also in the adoption of IMF-imposed structuraladjustments programs on poor people and especially women in the lowereconomic classes in the developing world.The internationalization and globalization of economic activity, combined with the global spread of economic liberalization can in that sense certainly weaken the ability of the state to meet theexpectations of sections of the population, and possibly create news kinds of‘legitimacy crises’. This is not simply a practical problem for particular states, which of course it is. John Dunn points out that while the immediate appeal of the nation derives much more from the subjective force of being born in a particular setof social relations, the appeal of the state lies in its efficiency or competence, whichis much more objective .To the extent that the idea of the modern nation-stateis so closely linked to the idea of the welfare state or the developmentalist state, the effectiveness of the contemporary state depends on the ability of thestate to deliver on ‘welfare’ or ‘development’. To that extent, the decreasedcompetency of the state to deliver on those promises could create the kindsof legitimacy crises that might call into question the durability of the nation-state. Perhaps, over time, expectations of what the state can or should do willchange. Decline of a particular form of the modern state does not indicate theend of the nation-state form.As David Armstrong argues, since states are ‘social actors’ and indeed become states through ‘international socialization’,new conceptualizations of the state’s role in the national economy that emergeas a consequence of globalization may become ‘statefied’ as states reach‘ intersubjecti ve understandings of how to restructure themselves and how tostrengthen the institutions of international society to accommodate globalization’. Nation-state legitimacy will depend on the extent on which ‘consent’coheres around new constructions of ‘national/state identity’ more in tunewith the new roles of the state.To some extent, states that have recognized the impossibility of enjoyingpolitical autonomy over economic issues have increasingly turned to non-stateentities for performing these functions more effectively. For instance, Alan Milward has argued that post-war European integration, in particular the launchof monetary union, was an attempt by many European nation-states to increasethe capacity of the state to meet the expectations of its citizens, and in doing soto ‘rescue the nation-state’ from its demise.Transfer of political authority overmonetary decision making to a supranational entity, hence losing fiscal andmonetary so vereignty, was perhaps the only way for states to ensure a certainamount of economic stability in many of the states racked by huge currencyfluctuations. In this somewhat personal analysis, the creation of supranationalentities like the European Union could in contradiction make the nation-statestronger rather than weaker. But even if the role of the state can be reduced to being the ‘agent’ ofglobalization, the state remains important for a number of other reasons.Despitethe rise of various forms of terrorism, including ‘state terrorism’, the stateretains significantmonopoly on the use of legitimate violence. The state continuesto have monopoly on taxation, is still seen as the ultimate negotiator of socialconflict, is expected to provide ‘security’ from external threats, and to performa variety of other functions. Perhaps most importantly, in the face of globalization, the state continues to be seen as the site for many to seek protection fro msome of the effects of global corporate capitalism.As Panitch points out, ‘[n]otonly is the world still very much composed of states, but insofar as there is anyeffective democracy at all in relation to the power of capitalists and bureaucratsit is still embedded in political structures that are national or sub national inscope’. The exercise of democratic control over capital takes on an even greaterimportance for Southern countries increasingly subject to IMF pressures, where the state is sometimes the only refuge against eo-imperialism. The point is that even though state legitimacy is potentially threatened by economic globalization, much depends on how state roles are reconfigured inthe face of globalization. Even if the economic limits to national politics is not anew problem for state legitimacy, the qualitative shift in economic globalization in late 20th-century capitalism, as well as the development of the nature of thecontemporary state, does change somewhat the implications for state legitimacy.In itself, the distribution of some of the functions of state to other non-state entities,whether supranational or sub national (micro-management rather than macro-managementby the state), does not threaten state legitimacy, but can in factstrengthen it. Economic globalization certainly requires different state roles, changingexpectations from the people, and new measures of state competency, butdoes not necessarily threaten the existence of the nation-state. Cultural Globalization There is also a cultural dimension to globalization that has implications for thenation-state and its future.This has more to do with issues of identity. RolandRobertson defines globalization as both ‘the compression of the world and theintensification of consciousness of the world as a whole’. While the process ofthis compression might have been occurring over a very long time, the recentgrowth of communications technology (cheap and fast air travel, te lephonic andtelegraphic services, satellite media transmissions, the Internet and cyberspace)has both accelerated and deepened this process. This is a process that both brings the world together and splits the world apart simultaneously.As Stuart Hall points out, globalization at the cultural level has led to both the universalisation and the fragmentation and multiplication of identities. Robertson explainsglobalization leads to the simultaneity of ‘the particularizationof universalism (the rendering of the world as a single place) and theuniversalization of particularism (the globalized expectation that societies . . . should have distinct identities)’. In his more recent work, Robertson has offered the concept of â€Å"glocalization’’ to emphasize the simultaneity of the homogenizing and eterogenizing forces of globalization in the late 20th-century world. Keeping in mind that these two processes are simultaneous, following are theirdifferent implicati ons for nation-states. The homogenization forces of globalization, in one sense is, the universalisation of the demand of the nation-state as an ideal cultural – political form of collective identity is itself a product of globalization. The now globalised belief that nations exist and deserve their states is fairlywell accepted and forms the normative foundation for most contemporaryinternational organizations.In addition, these international organizations have served to institutionalize the form of the nation-state, and enforce a certain amount of standardization in the nation-state system. John Meyer has shown globalization in this sense serves to strengthen the nation-state. Meyer pointsout that despite the vast economic inequalities among states, there is a worldculture that creates significant isomorphism among nation-states and helpskeep this dispersed world polity together.The global system of nation-statesis based on global norms that define external and internal sov ereignty, and is exemplified and reproduced through the similarity of the goals of‘equality’ and ‘progress’pursued by all nation-states. In other words, worldlevelcultural and organizationalinstructions for development and progress haveresulted in nation-state uniformity as all states follow similar objectives, policiesand programs.Connie McNeely elaborateson this concept of world culture by showing international organizations like the UN set normative and rigid standards of behavior for statepractices (increasingly conformed to by nation-states around the world), andin doing so play a role in institutionalizing the nation-state system. She specifically shows the nation-state system has been standardized and reproducedthrough the invention and spread of national income statistics, resulting fromthe efforts of UN statisticians and from the UN collection and distribution of comparative tables.At least in this sense, the homogenization force ofglobalization re produces and continues the nation-state system, rather thanthreatens its existence. Another implication of homogenization is on globalized identities in terms of global consumer capitalism. Benjamin Barber describesthe homogenizing drives of ‘McWorld’ (or what has also been called the‘MacDonaldization’ of the world) which has created ‘commercialized’ and‘depoliticized’ world. Kenichi Ohmae describes a consumerist world in whichbrand loyalty replaces national loyalty.But this world that is homogenized by the globalization of consumption can’t erase the troublesomeness of national commitments. Corporate icons can’t provide the kind of collectiveunity that national identities provide, and this is perhaps one reason for the‘global localization’ that Ohmae points to, in which product marketing adaptsto local (often interpreted as national) conditions, or what has come to be knownas ‘micro-marketingâ€⠄¢. But it is these depoliticized identities that also create thedrive to ‘resecure narrow identities’ so as to ‘escape McWorld’s monotonously firm essentials’.The heterogenising forces of globalization, or what Robertsondescribes as the ‘universalization of particularism’claims, in which not only has the ‘expectation of uniqueness’ become institutionalized and globally widespread, but the local and the particular itself isproduced on the basis of global norms. In other words, globalization of cultural norms has produced not just the legitimacy of the idea of the nation-state, butalso the expectation that such nation-states should embody unique and distinctidentities.This once again represents the globalization of the nationalist idea,the idea thatnation-states are legitimate because the nation is a unique, authenticcultural entity, with its singular and distinct identity. Beyer, in describingRobertson’s work, calls t his the ’relativization of particularisms’, which leads to a search for particularistic identities. The globalization of this idea createsthe potential for declarations of national identity, and can ultimately create themomentum for fragmentation of existing nation-states that are somehow seen as‘inauthentic’and hence illegitimate.To the extent that such differentiationalso occurs as a response to certainhomogenizing drives of globalization,thisalso represents a success of the nationalist idea. Assertions of collective identityboth as an element of, as well as in response to, globalization is then more‘nation-producing’ than ‘nation-destroying’. This certainly is an effect of globalization that, in keeping with the argument of the last section on fragmentation,is not a threat to the nation-state but a measure of its success.The Altered Nation-State Panitch in Mittelman says, ‘globalization is authored by states and is primar ily aboutreorganizing rather than bypassing them. ’ Rather than suggesting that the nation-state is fated to dissolve in the face of globalization, or that it will remainthe primary unaltered unit of international relations, there is a postulation of an ‘alteredstate’. The nation-state is said to exist now in one form, to have existed in the past inanother, and to be transforming itself actively into a third.This is a proposition that assumes a resilient but elastic nation-state, one that evolves over time, and whichbecomes more or less influential in different spheres depending on the utility of thatinfluence. One example of this ‘altered state’ thesis is that proposed by Philip Cerny, who suggests that ‘the nation-state is not dead’, although its role has changed. He envisages the transformation of the nation-state from being agoverning system concerned with welfare to being a system concerned with competition. Unsurprisingly he calls this the ‘competition state’.The competition state exists in aworld of increased fragmentation and globalization, and is characterized by a decrease ofpublic services and an increase of private services or industry. The competition state is amix of civil and business organization, and is concerned with effective returns oninvestment or effort. In the long run the ‘state is developing into an enterpriseassociation, with key civic, public and constitutional functions [†¦] subordinate to theglobal marketplace. ’ Another example of the ‘altered state’ is envisioned by Leo Panitch.Panitch thinks that ‘globalizing pressures even on advanced industrial states has led to a reorganization of the structural power relations within states [but has] not diminished therole of the state. ’ The nation-state is changing, but is not facing adisempowerment or loss of sovereignty. Indeed, Panitch would understand globalization as being written by nation-states, and the role of the state in collecting taxation,providing security, and having the monopoly of legitimate violence inside its sovereignborders as being unchanged.Globalization and alteration of the state role is an attempt to secure ‘global and domestic rights of capital’, and not aneo-medieval dissolution of the state apparatus. Conclusion There are, no doubt, a number of threats to the coherence and durability of particular existing nation-states, but that doesn’t weaken the nation-state as a historical form, as a contemporary organizing principle for collective cultural and political identity. Certainly, the severe crisis of particular nation-states, such as Afghanistan,Bosnia, Rwanda and Somalia, can generate a sense of anxiety about thefuture of the nation-state itself.Yet this sense of crisis has not seeped into acrossthe globe and most existing nation-states remain relatively stable and viabledespite the existence of various ethno-national ist movements within them. The graph given above shows the trend of nation-state over a period of 100 years. The graph is the statistical evidence of the appeal and continuance of the nation-state system as a dominant cultural-political system. In the article which was the basis of this analysis, Saquib Karamat indicates economic globalization, cultural globalization and blurring of the national ideologies as threat to the existence of nation-states.Furthermore, he says global issues also question the sovereignty of nation-states. But as analyzed above, economic globalization and cultural globalization in fact strengthen the nation-state than weakening it. While blurring of national ideology is the contemporary issue of weak states, who in some way need to put into work a national project of nation-building to keep their territories intact. The global issues like global warming don’t question the authority of the state rather they implicate that all nations need to work in su ch a framework of communication which enables to reach a solution of common consent.Now, the analysis on the future of nation-state has made some points clear, that a nation need not to be only one with common descent (ethnic nations), there can also be nations who share common boundaries (demotic nation). A state, which has either ethnic nation or demotic nation, needs to be coherent in order to remain legitimate. The historical-political form of nation-state was based on one nation – one state rule. The concept of sovereignty has changed from absolute sovereignty to degrees of sovereignty and interdependence. The process of nation-building or nationalism is a tate’s tool to keep it coherent. All national identities are constructed by national elites and weak states which are facing the threat of territorial disintegration should consciously employ national labor in nation-building. The forces of fragmentation and forces of globalization which seems to put at risk the existence of nation-state system, actually strengthen nation-state as a historical form and are driving forces in the evolution of the nation-state as discusses above in the respective sections. So, nation-state needs to alter itself in order to remain competent system for the years to come.The necessity is evident from the change in the conceptof sovereignty. Since it has changed, nation-state should also be restructured in the face of globalization and fragmentation. Transferring some kinds of authority tosupranational entities, or devolving power downwards through decentralization are ways of coping with these changes, and can help retain state legitimacyrather than threaten it. Bibliography 1. E. K. Francis, Interethnic Relations: An Essay in Sociological Theory (New York: Elsevier, 1976). 2. Alfred Cobban, the Nation State and National Self Determination (London: HarperCollins, 1969). 3.Clifford Geertz, Old Societies and New States (New York: The Free Press, 1963); Edward Shil s, â€Å"Primordial, Personal, Sacred and Civil Ties’’ , British Journal of Sociology, Vol. VIII, No. 2, (1957); Pierre Van den Berghe, â€Å"Race and Ethnicity: A Sociological Perspective’’ , Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 1, No. 4 (1978). 4. Paul Brass, â€Å"Elite Groups, Symbol Manipulation and Ethnic Identity among the Muslims of South Asia’’ , in D. Taylor and M. 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Andrew Linklater, Beyond Realism and Marxism: Critical Theory and International Relations New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1990). 11. Immanuel Wallerstein, The Capitalist World Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979 12. Immanuel Wallerstein, The Politics of the World Economy: The States, the Movements and the Civilizations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984). 3. Robin Murray, â€Å"The Internationalization of Capital and the Nation-state’’ , New Left Review, Vol. 67 (1971), 14. Peter Dicken, Global Shift: The Internationalization of Econ omic Activity, 2nd edn (New York: Guilford Press, 1992). 15. James H. Mittelman (ed. ), Globalization: Critical Reflections (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1996) 16. R. O’Brien, Global Financial Integration: The End of Geography (London: Sage, 1990 17. John Dunn (ed. ), The Economic Limits to Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). 18. John Dunn, â€Å"Introduction: Crisis of the Nation State? ’ , Political Studies, Vol. 42, Special Issue (1994) 19. Helen Thompson, â€Å"The Nation-state and International Capital in Historical Perspective’’ , Government and Opposition, Vol. 32, No. 1 (1997) 20. Leo Panitch, â€Å"Rethinking the Role of the State’’, (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1996) 21. Roland Robertson, Globalization: Social Theory and Global Culture (London: Sage, 1992) 22. Roland Robertson as quoted in Peter Beyer, Religion and Globalization (London: Sage, 1994) 23. Stuart Hall, â€Å"Cultural Identity and Diaspora’â€℠¢, in Jonathan Rutherford (ed. , Identity: Community, Culture, Difference (London: Lawrence &Wishart, 1990). 24. Connie L. McNeely, Constructing the Nation-state (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1995). 25. Benjamin R. Barber, â€Å"Jihad Vs. McWorld’’ , The Atlantic Monthly (March 1992) 26. KemichiOhmae, The Borderless World (London: Harper Business, 1990). 27. Kofman, E. and Young, G. Globalization: Theory and Practice, (London: Pinter,1996) 28. ShampaBiswas, W(h)ither the Nation-state? National and State identity in the Face of Fragmentation and Globalization, Global society, (16 (2), Abingdon: Carfax. , 2002).

How does William Shakespeare create tension Essay

From the minute the play starts the audience are aware that the â€Å"star crossed lovers† Romeo and Juliet are going to die, this makes it clear that the play is a tragedy. A Tragedy is a traditional form of theatre where the main characters in the play die as a result of their tragic flaw, for example in the tragedy play Macbeth, Macbeth’s vaulting ambition leads him to his death. Romeo and Juliet’s flaw is the powerful love between them and it means their relationship has to be secret and this leads to Mercutio being killed by Tybalt and Romeo then killing Tybalt. The consequences of Romeo revenging Mercutios death by killing Tybalt means he is banished upon death. When the play was written ‘Romeo and Juliet’ was already a well known story but the version that William Shakespeare borrowed did not include the love theme William Shakespeare added the love theme into the story. The play Romeo and Juliet was written in 1594, and in this time women particularly were under their parents influence and there was no free choice on who you could marry. Teenage Rebellion was unthinkable because your parents would kick you out and in this time a woman was unable to get a job and with no money it would be hard to find a husband; this is why Romeo and Juliet’s marriage was secret. How a play is structured is an important way of creating tension for the audience like in Act 1 of ‘Romeo and Juliet’ it introduces the theme of love and hate between the two families Montague and Capulet. There is also a fight between the two family’s servants because they hate each other but Tybalt (Capulet) turns up and the fight becomes even bigger than before. The reason Shakespeare kills off Mercutio and Tybalt in Act 3 is that now all the action can focus on Romeo and Juliet. In the scene were Mercutio is slain, this point is often looked at as the points were the play becomes a tragedy. If Romeo hadn’t avenged Mercutios death the outcome would have been very different and Romeo and Juliet’s actions from this point are due to this scene. Having themes run throughout a play is another way of creating tension for the audience. This scene (Act3 scene 1) contains the theme of passion, when Benvolio is advising Mercutio to leave the area where the Capulet’s are  going to arrive but Mercutio is ready for a fight and is going to stay no matter what. Benvolio says ‘for now these hot-days is the mad blood stirring.’ This means that the hot weather has shortened people’s tempers including Mercutios. When Tybalt arrives and Tybalt and Mercutio start to fighting. Romeo accidentally gets in the way and Mercutio is struck by Tybalt’s sword, it is a mortal wound which kills him. As Mercutio is dying he says ‘A plague on both your houses.’ After Mercutio dies and Romeo kills Tybalt, Romeo starts crying and this is a passionate cry emphasises the way he is losing the control of his destiny and is subject to fate. This creates tension because the audience know the final outcome from the start. Shakespeare was a master of characterisation, the characters in this scene have been skilfully created previously and act exactly how the audience expect them to, based on their previous behaviour, such as at the party Mercutio is showing off, he is loud full of himself and hot tempered this shows that it is Mercutios nature to fight and not back down. Also Mercutio cannot stand Romeo’s capitulation towards the Capulet’s and this angers him even more Mercutio also says ‘O calm, dis honourable, vile, submission’ and this creates tension because Mercutio forces the fight on Tybalt. In a play which would be performed to an audience who could barely read and write, it was important for Shakespeare to include rich metaphors and poetry which would entertain and stimulate them; his language is littered with deeper meanings and puns. For example when Benvolio says for now these hot days the mad blood stirring this means that the hot weather has shortened peoples tempers and they are more likely to snap and start a fight, this line adds tension as well because there is going to be a big fight but Mercutios short snappy sentences show that he is ready to fight and it creates tension and anticipation to see Tybalt and Mercutio fight. The stage craft is a vital part of the tension in this scene where Shakespeare keeps the weather hot so it gets people irritable. Mercutio is in the mood for a fight because of the weather and he wants to cause to  cause trouble. Shakespeare makes Tybalt arrive before Romeo so he has a chance to tangle and mix with Mercutio. Shakespeare only makes the reasons why Romeo won’t fight Tybalt to make Mercutio angry about Romeo’s capitulation towards the Capulet Family. To conclude, I feel that Shakespeare created tension in this scene through Mercutios anger towards Romeo’s capitulation and his hatred for the Capulet Family. Although if Mercutio had known about Romeo and Juliet his anger would not be so great. I found the play sad because two innocent characters had to die because of their flaw which was the powerful love between them which could not be broken and I also feel that another reason Romeo and Juliet died was the feud between the two families which was ended only when there children had died.

Introduction to Personal and Preofessional Practice Essay

Introduction to Personal and Preofessional Practice - Essay Example As a student at the University of Central Lancashire, I got the opportunity to learn different things that were related to my academic and personal experiences. Responsibility and Initiative in the marketing class During the module, I have learned the importance of responsibility and initiative. Responsibility refers to being accountable for decisions and actions, and University students are expected to be responsible and take initiative in their tasks (Baker, 2009). I have had to initiate conversations with members of the faculty, make intelligent choices about the courses to take and critically decide which marketing-related clubs I needed to join. University is very different from high school, and as much as there were several advising programs in the University, many decisions were left in the hands of the students. I was faced with a responsibility over my life and I had to take initiative so as to ensure successful completion of my course. University was also quite different fr om home since I had been used to letting my parents make the choices for me. I needed to learn how to become independent, confident and accountable for all my actions. These needs were preparing me for the future since after school there are many opportunities that require responsibility and initiative: family life and working life. ... Also I ensured that I took a balanced diet since there was nobody to make the choices on my behalf. So far I have learnt about the best ways to choose activities that can contribute to one’s overall wellbeing. Being a vegetarian meant that I had to maintain a good balance of all food groups. I joined the Christian group so that I could get a religious identity, and this gave me spiritual nourishment. I participated in several Badminton and Chess competitions whereby I won five awards, and that success made me realize that I was good in those two sports. The process of making wise decisions about my physical, emotional, mental and spiritual wellness gave me a basis for future responsibility over my wellbeing and that of others. Course work and Time management I realized that the main obligation that I had in the University was my academic career. Marketing course required that I participate in community- based projects, school- based projects and all events organized by marketi ng department. It also needed more studying hours than other subjects since it covered a wide range of topics. I had several non- academic activities that would compete for my time but I realized that time management was key to ensuring that I balanced all of them. I had a problem understanding that my course required more than just the allocated class time. However, I talked to a faculty member and he advised me that I needed to do more personal studies so that I could research and understand what I had been taught in class. At the University, we had work-study jobs that students would do during their part time, and I decided to do them too since they would prepare me for employments in future. As I did my studies, I took up a part time job in

Reflective Learning Nursing Personal Statement

Reflective Learning Nursing - Personal Statement Example Discussion During the actual encounter with the patient, I had to make the patient comfortable by introducing myself, and telling her I was her nurse, asking how the patient feels prior to inviting her to sit down and giving her instructions, with eye contact while we talk. I made sure that I was attentive, not only listening, but also mentally taking note of the patient’s body gestures, facial expression, and fears, if any. Through these gestures towards the patient, I was able to make her feel relaxed and comfortable (Tollefson, 2010). During the interview establishing identity of the patient and the reason for the visit, I had to note how the patient feels and limit the question and answer on matters with regards to her health, current condition and history. This way, I was able to maintain professionalism as well as make the patient feel safe and respected (Kuiper and Pesut, 2004). I also noted if there were communication problems, such as language barrier, or communicatio n discomfort on the part of the patient. Fortunately, the patient was easy to talk with. Throughout the interview, I encouraged her to talk about her health issue or issues but avoiding much prodding as well as repetition of topic. I was able to accomplish this by taking notes on her answers and with my focus on her alone. Where there was unclear information given by the patient, I had to paraphrase and ask through a question answerable by yes or no for confirmation. After sufficient information was provided by the patient, I summarize the information and confirm from her if the information was right. I also checked if the patient had identification band in order to compare data provided. I then proceed to take the vital signs but I failed to explain to the patient why these were needed. After getting her consent to perform the procedures, I washed my hands. I had to ask every step of the process if the patient felt comfortable, and make the right adjustment if not such as the posit ion of the chair, or even the air conditioning. Throughout, I maintained eye contact. I first took the temperature. I committed a slight error by not immediately taking note of her temperature or recorded in her chart. In taking the pulse rate, I had to prepare the equipment, prepare patient about the procedure, provide privacy, identify the landmarks, palpate lightly with finger pads in identifying pulse, then note the rhythm and strength. I counted then calculated the rate per minute, and made sure to note whether or not there was irregularity. I terminated the encounter, then replaced and disposed the equipment, wash my hands based on standard precautions, and then filled up the form or chart of the patient (Daly et al, 2006). Where there was irregularity of pulse, I had to inform the patient of my role. In taking the blood pressure, the same procedure of routine hand wash was undertaken. This will ensure sanitation and safety. I then check on the patient documentation then the p atient status. If the patient is new or whom I have not established familiarity, yet, I introduce myself and asks for her identity, too, such as how may I call her (O’Toole, 2010). Then, I informed her procedure to be done and why it is needed. I then ask for consent to perfo

Organizational Culture at Shoenman and Associates Case Study

Organizational Culture at Shoenman and Associates - Case Study Example According to the paper, Shoenman and associates has provided an opportunity for its employees to have fun and enjoy the end of the year. However, fun in the context of this company has been institutionalized through the development of second order relationships among the top executives and other employees. By placing the part over Christmas, a time when people have fun and relax, the company has developed a strong culture of enhancing the social being of the employees. Furthermore, Friday is a weekend synonymous with fun, partying and get together in different institutions. However, shoenman and associates Christmas party makes it a form of appreciating the roles of every employee at such a point in time. Of unique significance in this party, is the fact that the employees are expected to attend alone, without tagging their partners along? This highlights the role of this session in not only having fun within the company, but also discussing business related issues only. The culture developed by Shoenman and associate creates a room for the interaction of employees, irrespective of qualification and position in the company. This is a community kind of relationship where an interpersonal relationship is developed in which freedom is provided to each employee. Employees enjoy each other spontaneously and in a free environment without the intimidator work environment, which is common in various organizations. The practices at Shoenman and associate have significant cultural symbolism, which various organizations can emulate in order to improve the relationship between it and the employees. The Christmas party symbolizes the social drama that characterizes various organizations including Shoenman and associate as depicted in this article.  

Discourse with an Atheist Who Beleives That Gos Does Not Exist Essay

Discourse with an Atheist Who Beleives That Gos Does Not Exist - Essay Example For instance, evolution does not explain the forces that combined the hydrogen and oxygen molecules and dust particles to form the primordial cell. Likewise, the causes and reacting elements that triggered the Big Bang or the star’s withdrawal of elements from the sun, as is alleged in the Star-Tidal theory are not cogently identified in non-creationist theories. Even non-creationist theories have to take a leap of faith in investigating the origin of life forms (Mongrain, 2011, 205). Contrary to the above, no one can repudiate the fact that the world, the universe and life forms are too complex to have been brought about by random chance. The intricate network of the blood vessels in mammals (especially man), the universal order and man’s linguistic capabilities, are just some of the indicators of an intelligent Being who must have designed the universe. Had the Star-Tidal or the Big Bang incident brought the universe and life forms into existence, chances for this str iking order would be zero (1/?). Logically, if God exists, then His interactions with His creation will be inevitable, and the vestiges of these interactions may also be notable. Still, these requirements are consistent with the Biblical notion of God’s existence. Particularly, there are indicators of the universal or the Noahic flood, just as the Bible alleges that the flood took place around 4,300 BC. For instance, the multiple sources and traditions of the worldwide deluge as is seen in the Epic of Gilgamesh, the Rig Veda and Ovid’s Metamorphosis and the Chinese’s Book of Knowledge, among others provide the Noahic flood with multiple attestations. Particularly, there are over 240 literature and traditions which mention the worldwide flood. The slight disparities among the accounts do not really discount the plausibility of a universal flood having taken place. Instead, the numerous accounts corroborate it. 2) A case for Jesus' claim to be God and for His resu rrection That Jesus claimed to be God is directly settled in many references. Some of these references include: Matthew 12:6-8 (He refers to Himself as the Initiator of the Sabbath); Mark 2:1, 2, 10 (He forgives sins); Matthew 7:21-23 (He is the ultimate Judge who can render eternal damnation); Mathew 14:33 and John 9:38 (He accepts worship). Conversely, Christ’s claim to be God is expressly seen in the instance where He takes up God’s name and therefore equating Himself with God, in John 8:23-4. In Exodus 3:12-14, God reveals Himself to Moses, with the name I AM. In His discourse with the Pharisees and the rest of the Jews, Jesus does not only claim to have preceded Abraham, but also takes on the name; I AM (Williams, 2010, 27). In Mark 2:1, 2 and 10, before healing a paralytic, Jesus speaks of having forgiven the young man’s sins. The Scribes and those gathered there charged (rightly) in their hearts that only God had the power to forgive sins. To validate His claim of having the power to forgive sins, Jesus heals the paralytic. The crux of the matter herein is that while it is easy for any one to claim to have the power to forgive sins, He healed the paralytic as proof to His ability to forgive sins. Logically, a man’s words just before his death are usually taken seriously, especially when the actor or speaker is aware that he is on the brink of death. At this instance, an individual weighs his words and deeds carefully because of the knowledge of the irreversible nature of death and the eternal state that

Decision Making Process Paper Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Decision Making Process Paper - Essay Example Three years ago after graduating, I took an entry-level job because of the experience and skills I would gain. However, after two years and joining the full-time rank of employees, I got frustrated with my job because of the low pay, I was getting. I was spending more than what I was earning and wanted this to change. I decided that I wanted to quit my job and start a small business. It was a critical decision that I had to make carefully because the economy today is extremely challenging and in most cases, such entry-level jobs are a luxury when jobs are so hard to come by even for graduates. In addition, like all new business, I was not sure if it would be successful or not. In such situations, most parents are not happy with such decisions, so I had to convince my parents, why the loan I borrowed from them, was not a waste of their hard-earned money. According to Bateman and Snell (2007), to make an effective decision, the first step is to identify and diagnose the problem. I had to recognize the difference that existed between my current job state and the state that I desired. In the second stage, it is critical to generate an alternative solution. I decided that since the little amount I had saved was not enough to start the business, I would borrow my parents a loan. The third stage in decision-making is to evaluate the existing alternatives and the fourth stage is to make a choice. I was spending more than I was earning, therefore found it wiser to quit my job and start a business where I would get the opportunity to earn more than I spent. The last stage in decision-making process involves implementing the decision (Bateman & Snell, 2007). I knew this stage of decision-making required careful planning, so I made all the preparations necessary when starting a new business such as getting a business license and used but effic ient office equipment. Today, I am a proud owner of a small business